Äîêóìåíò âçÿò èç êýøà ïîèñêîâîé ìàøèíû. Àäðåñ îðèãèíàëüíîãî äîêóìåíòà : http://www.philol.msu.ru/~rlc2010/abstracts/rlc2010_abstracts_sem27.pdf
Äàòà èçìåíåíèÿ: Thu Oct 21 01:14:52 2010
Äàòà èíäåêñèðîâàíèÿ: Tue Oct 2 17:23:59 2012
Êîäèðîâêà:

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. .
. . slavlang@philol.msu.ru , , , ,

Summary. In this paper are analyzed the lexical and grammatical components of the concept `beginning' in modern Polish and Russian languages. , pocztek, (), (), zacz (si), zaczyna (si), , koniec, (), (), koczy (si). `' (. pocz, rozpocz, . , .), (. .), (Pocztek zawsze jest trudny, poczte ycie, od pocztku do kocu). `' `'. c «» «» (od A do Z, od deski do deski). - `' -- , - / za- - / po- ( ). : - ( `': . -- . zacz biec . .). . (, , ). ` + ' . . , (. , . , . .). (. zacz / ). zacz / , ), ( . [1]). - . po / po- (letiet' «» -- poletÌm).

1. . . , , () XIIXV . . . ... . . . ., 2009.

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. . . (, ) / () andronat@rambler.ru , , «»

Summary. The report presents ways to replenish the vocabulary of the Russian language with «new» two-aspect verbs and their functioning in the contemporary discourse. «» -- (--, --,- -), . «» , . , «» , . . [9], , , , , « » [7]. «» : 1. , ; «» , , (, , , , . .). «» «» [6]. , . [1] , 2005 . ( ), , : 1) ` / ', 2) ` / '. : , () ( , 2005). «» () , (« », 2004.11.11 -- ). 2. «.» (, , , , , . .) , . , , `817

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' ` ' «` -. -. ( ) , -.'; -. -- ` -.'» [3]: , ( . . 2002 -- ). ` (.)' «, ( )» «.» [2]: , , ( . -- ). 3. (, , , , . .), : - (, , , , . .). , , , ` / , / , / -' (... ... (. -- ). ( . -- ); (, . .); , « , » [10]: , , ( . . 2004 -- ); , , (, . .). , [8] , [2] [4] -

` , , '. , ` ; -': . (. . ). 4. «» (-, -, -, -, -, -, -) , , (- / -): ( -- , -- , -- , -- ; -- ). : , () (inform.alogistica.ru). - () (www.sakharov.ru). , , 43 , .

1. . « » // www.museum.cross-apk.ru/domens/krt/doklad/.doc. 2. . . : -. ., 2000. 3. . . . ., 2008. 4. . . . ., 2000. 5. // http://www.ruscorpora.ru. 6. . . . : . ., 2004. 7. . . ., 2005. 8. : 4 . // . . . . 4- . ., 1999. 9. . . : . ., 1998. 10. XX . // . . . . ., 2002.

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, «» nadia_koltina@mail.ru , , , ,

Summary. The paper deals with verbs of thought, i. e. those that denote a transition from the absence of a proposition to its presence in the mind of a «thinker». It is revealed that verbs of thought are characterized by unconventional distribution of aspectual meanings inside aspectual pairs. The paper also analyses their semantic characteristics and differentiates between different groups of verbs of thought. 1. -- , -- «» -- , «» (. ). -- , , -- « , , » [3: 396]. . , , , . . (., ., [4]). 2. ( - ) , « » [6], , . 1265 , , 122 , . , , , 818 , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . : -- 45%, -- 21%, -- 7%, -- 7%, -- 20%. 3. - 1. . , . : ` ' ` '. 2. . , . -, , : / , , , , , , , , . (. [7]). .

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3. ( , ) . , . 4. 1. , : -- , -- , -- . 61%. . 2. ( , , , , , , , ( . . 1993 -- [6]). 3. - , . , ( , ? . , ? (. . . -, . 1858-- [6]). , -- -- , , ( -- . [2]).). «, », . , ( . , 3. 1960 -- [6]). , , . . , «» : ` '. 4. , , «», . 5. . ,

(* ; * , ...); (* / / : «...»; * , ...); (* ) (* ). 5. - , , : 1. , ( , , .). ( . . ), - , , [1: 219220]. . . , «» [9: 313]. 2. , «» (). .

1. . . . . II. . ., 1995. 2. . ., . . ( ). ., 1997. 3. . . . . . , 2 0 0 1 . 4. . . : . . . , 2005. 5. . . // . . . 1948. . VII. . 4. . 303316. 6. // http://www.ruscorpora.ru. 7. . / : . . , . . , . . , . . , . . , . . . . . . . ., 1997. 8. . . ( : ). ., 1996. 9. . . (, , ). ., 1996.

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v_gavrilova@comtv.ru , , ,

Summary. Technological progress has caused both domination of collective character of agent in the bulk of modern productive activity and the complete automation of processes. So nowadays there is no real border between initiation and execution of actions. That is why morphological pattern of predicates of Russian decausative (= quasipassive) constructions (with initiated character of processes) started to be widely used in Russian passive constructions (with executive character of processes). 1. () [4]. , . . (1). (1) . (2) . (3) . . 2. - (1)? , [5], : . (1) , . - (1) (2) , , . (2) (1), . , , , . 3. (1) , , (1) 819

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. , , [6], : . 1) , . 2) . . 3) , . (1) (3) . « -- » , (1) . , , be get. 4. [5] , . , , `, ', . . , , ( ) : , , , . , . « . », -- -. , , , . , , . , ( ). . - : , -- , «», . ! , . , . - « », . , ... , ( , ) . : , -- . .

, ; , . . 22, 22. ... ( «»). 5. . . () [3]; [1]; [2]. , , , : , , . . , , «», . - . , , , « ». . , , , , , , . , , .

1. . . // . IV. . 2004, . 4376. 2. . . «» «» // : . . . . . . ., 2 0 0 8 . C. 1 9 0 2 1 3 . 3. . . // . 2001. 1. . 5279. 4. . . // . 2003. 4. . 4371. 5. / . . . . . 1. ., 1980. 6. : 4 . // . . . . 4- . ., 1999.

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- () Jadranka.Gvozdanovic@t-online.de , , ,

Summary. The paper discusses the contribution of aspect and temporal quantifiers to the constitution of situational frames in contexts which give rise to implicatures and provide the background for interpretations. . , , (820 ). , ( ,

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, , , ), ,

, . , .

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. . . () marinaglov@yandex.ru , , , , .

Summary. The first section of the usage. This trend is illustrated with nomena which are widely spread in the material of future tense participl

paper is concerned with the potential of the system which is only partially implemented in current the material of secondary imperfectives. The second section deals with the opposite trend, i. e. phecurrent usage but whose status in the system is not yet fully established. This trend is illustrated with es. 3. , , ? . 40 , . : 1) ( -- , , , . . -- ). . -- 34 ), « » , , (), .); 2) , , , ; 3) , , , ( , ); 4) , , , . 11- 2021 . «» -- «». , . , - . : 1) -- «» ( 4 , : , , ); 2) -- «» (17 , : , , ); 3) (18 , : , , ). , , . - ( ). , . , . 2. . , , , . . -- -- , *. . . , 821

. , -- . , ; , , , , , . , , -- , . , «» : , ( ) , -, ( ). «» ( . [1]; [3: 217226]; [4: 180200]). 1. , , -- . , () -- : ; -- : . . . 1. . 2. . , . , , , , . : ; . vs. . , . 3. «» . . . . « » [7: 104], « » [6: 11], « » [5: 124], «» [5: 137]. : 1. , -- ? 2. - , -- ?

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, , (. ); / , , «» (. ). mass-media [2: 209216]. . . (. ). , ( , ). , , , , , .

1. . . -- . ., 1943. 2. . . // . I / . . . . ., 2008. . 187270. 3. . . . . ., 1973. 4. . . . ., 1992. 5. . . « » // . - . . . . . 4. ., 2 0 0 4 . . 1 2 4 1 4 5 . 6. .-. : . ... . . . ., , 1999. 7. . . . ., 1996.

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(, ) ykaneko@iwate-u.ac.jp , , ,

Summary. The systematic nature of language-specific semantic dominants (SD) is characterized, alongside other specifics, by their high degree of elaboration in forms and meanings on different levels of the language in question. Aspectual SD «limit» in Russian and «stability» in Japanese are manifested not only in grammar of aspect, but also in the onomaciological categories of word-formation. In these languages, different phases of a dynamic situation are modified and specified in more / less detail and derivatives expand / limit the range of a particular semantic domain of actionality. () «» «» . , , . , () . , , . , , «» [2: 171172]. , . . , «» [9], [3], «» [4]. , «» , « » ( ) [1]. - «» , , . , , . , / , , ([5], [7], [8] . .). (, ) . . , , , 822 , [6: 5]. () , . , , , «» , / , . . , , . , , , . - - , . ( ). , , . , , , . , / , , .

1. ., . . // . 2004. 4. 2. . . // : . ., 1988.

« » 3. . . // Diterminatezza e indeterminatezza nelle lingue slave. Problemi di morfosintassi delle lingue slave. 5. Padova, 1996. 4. . . ( ) // X . . : . . 1. ., 2003. 5. . . ? // : . ., 1988. 6. . . - // . . . -. . , 1980. 537 7. Ikegami Yoshihiko. `Activity' -- `accomplishment' -- `achievement': A language that can't say `I burned it, but it didn't burn' and one that can // Makkai A., Melby A. K. (eds.). Linguistics and philosophy: Essays in honor of Rulon Wells. Amsterdam, 1985. 8. Tatevosov S. The parameter of actionality // Linguistic typology. 2002. Vol. 6. 3. P. 317401. 9. Wierzbicka A. Semantics, Culture, and Cognition. Oxford, 1992.

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() kerimk@mail.ru ,

Summary. It considers the relation of sing engagement grammatical meaning to categories by aspect uninflected and inflected types. Regularity of electoral actualization of aspective meanings is based only in the same sygments of inflected paradigm for example verb's paradigms of Lezgi and English languages. -- . . .: « , , , ... / » [2]. [2] . , , , . , . . , . . , -- , , , . , , . , , , - . -- «» [3]. , , , . -- -- , . , . , . . , . , . , . , , -- , , . : ~ ~ , ~ ~ ( ). , .

1. . . // . 1996. 4. . 3961. 2. . . : : . ., 2000. 3. / . . . . . 1. ., 1980.

- , -
. .
- kyp@mail.natm.ru , , /

Summary. The paper considers main varieties of Russian impersonal passive constructions with -n, -t participles derived from syntactically intransitive verbs. The attention is given both to structural and semantic properties of these constructions. , , , « » [4: 202]. , , . , «» . . , . , . 1. «» («») ; .: ` ', ` ', ` ', ` ', ` ', ` ', ` ' . .: , (, 10.02.1993); . (. ); , -, , , , (. ); I , (. ); , , , 823

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(. ); -- , , -- , -- , , , ! (. ). 2. . , - : ) . : <...>, -- , , , , <...> (. . ); , , ; (, 15.02.1997); , (, 22.10.2001); ) . : , , , (. ); -- , , - (. ); ) . : . (. ); ) «» . : (. ). 3. : , «» . , (, 23.10.1992); , . , . <...> ? (. ); : , ; 10 . , , «»: , ; , « , -- » [1: 269]. , , . : «, , , -- ,," , . <...> , , » [5: 280]. ,

, : -; ; ; [3: 123125]; [2: 108109], : . . , . (. ); , , , , , (. ) -- . , -, -, , , . , [2: 107110], : ) : ; ; ; ) : ; ; ) : , , ; ; . -, - , , , : <...> , , -- (. ); , , : -- ? -- !.. -! ! (. ); -- (. ). -, - , : . , . , , , , . c- , (. ).

1. . . // . . XI. ., 1982. 2. . ., . . . ., 1971. 3. . . - // . . . 2. ., 1961. 4. . . . ., 2000. 5. . // : . ., 1 9 9 9 .

. .
UMR 8163 STL, CNRS & . « III» (, ) tatiana.milliaressi@uniVlille3.fr , , , «-»

Summary. This paper discusses the semantic analysis (grammatical, lexical) of the russian aspectual prefix po-. 1. . - ` ' : , . ( , - : ( ), / ( ) ( .) , , . . . . [1: 94] , - « , »: (1) . .-. , , , , [5: 630]: 824 (2) , , , , . (. ) , (2) , . . , ( : , , , , ). . . [3: 203], , « , » (3, 4, 5): (3) ! () (4) , , . (5) , . (. )

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2. . , -, , : ) ; ) . (2) - , . . (6) (. 6, ): (6) . (6) * . (5), - . (5): (5) * , . , (). , (5) - , . 3. . - , , . . . : , (4); , : (3), (3) [4: 557]: (4) *, , . (3) ! (4) , . . . , , : «. , , » [2, . 1: 236]. , , ( / ` '), ( / ` '). , (4) , . - , ,

` ', . . , , . : (1) * . (7) * . (1) (7) ` ' ` '. (` , '). , , , , . - ` , ( )': , , , . . (3) , « », ; , , , (` ') . (5) , , : (` , '). , , . 4. . - (, . . ).

1. . ., . . // Slavistiche BeitrÄge 353. Bd. 7. MÝnchen, 1997. 2. : 4 . / . . . . 3- ., . ., 19851988. . 236. 3. . . - / // . . . / . . . . . 4. ., 2004. .183252. 4. Milliaressi T. L'information aspectuelle dans un dictionnaire explicatif bilingue // Proceedings XII EURALEX. V. I. Alessandria, 2006. P. 549560. 5. SÈmon J.-P. Postojat' ou la perfectivitÈ de congruence: dÈfinition et valeurs textuelles // Revue des Ètudes slaves. 1986. LXIII / 4. P. 609635.

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(--) lyudmila-tabachenko@yandex.ru , ,

Summary. The mutation types of verb prefixion are resultiveness-basd and connected with the formation of the new cognitive structures developed by the actualization of animate, mental, and social planes of the verbal situation with an animate subject as the source of the above resultiveness and objectness. 1. ( -- ) , , , , , . 2. , , , . () (, , , .) , , . ( ). 3. «» , -- , () , [2]. 825

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, , - ( ), , [2], ( ), , , -- , «», «», «», «», «» ., [3]. 4. . 4.1. - - , («», «»), , , «» «» : 1) ` , - ' XVIXVII . [4: 274]; 2) ` - ' ( ; , , , ), ` ' [1, . II: 474]; 1) ` , -. , ' (XVII .); 2) ` , ' (XVIII . ~ XVII .). [4: 244]; 3) `, , , '; ` , , . , ' [1, . II: 468]. 4.2. : 1) ` , ' (XVII .); 2) ` , , ' (XVIII .). , : 1) « ( )»; 2) «, , ( )». , («») , : ( ) , , ( ). 4.3. , (, ), () , , ,

( ), [2]. ` -. ' XVIII ., -- XIX . -, - -: ; ; (), (). 4.4. , . «, , -. , »: . . (, ) , (, ); «, - , » -- ( ), ( ) . 5. . , , , . . , . - , - . , , , -, , , , , . , . , () , / .

1. . . . IIV. ., 1978. 2. . . ). , 1999. 3. . . , , . ., 2000. 4. IVII . . 10 / . . . . ., 1983. . ( . -

. .
. . . (, ) elenatit@mail.ru , ,

Summary. The report gives an analysys of category of phase as a specific verb category. It is given a definition of phase paradigm of the verbs and a description of Russian verbs with zero phase, which means that they do not have any phase paradigm due to different reasons. 1. - -- , , . . . [1], . . [4] . . , . . [3]. , , : - ( -- ; -- ); - ( -- ; -- ); -826 ( -- ; -- ). , ( -- ; -- 2 ). . , , . [5]. 2. -- , , -

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[6]. , - (, 2 1 (2)

-

.). 5 4 , 2 ( ). : (1) (1)

(1)

(2)

3. , , . , , . . , , , , , , , . , , . , , , . . , : , (` '). ( . . [7]): , , , , / , . [2] , (1710 ), (546), (365), (. . ) , ( ) . , * / . . ( ) [2]. * / / / , . . Imperfectiva tantum , (, , , , , , , . .). , . , + 12, + -- 2 [2]; + -- 18 , -

+ -- 1 [2]; + 4 , -- 17 [2]. , . . , , , , , , (`, '), , (` -, -., -, -.'), (` , ') . . , , , : : , ( . ., . ., 1940) [2]. . , `, -., -. ( )' (20 ), (3), (1) [2], ` , -. ' . , .

1. . . : . . ., 2004. 2. // http://www.ruscorpora.ru (). 3. . . . ., 1 9 9 7 . 4. . . . . / . . . . . ., 1987. 5. . . - // i i' : . . . , 2004. . 8189. 6. . . // : : . . . , 2009. . 98102. 7. . . : 2 . ., 1985.

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