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This paper studies the properties of interaction between manner adverbs and sententional negation (SNeg) in Russian. 1. S-NEG TEST AND CLASSIFICATION OF MANNER ADVERBS. Manner adverbs in Russian can be divided into two classes. The adverbs from the first class are always in the scope of S-Neg (CLASS I) (ex. (1a, b)); the adverbs from the second class do not fall in the scope of S-Neg in one of their interpretations (CLASS II) (ex. (2a), the adverb falls in the scope of negation in (2b)). (1) ) "Net, tak bystro ne kipit, - vrazumljala Katja.[Valentin Rasputin. Nezhdanno-negadanno]. 1
no so quickly
NEG

boils

convince

K.

"No, it does not boil so quickly", convinced Katja. b) ...mne srazu zaxotelos' otvetit': a ee nikak pisat' ne
I now immediately wanted we it well answer
NEG PART

nado, potomu chto
should because

it in.no.way write no material

NEG

sejchas my ee xorosho ne

napishem: net materiala.
shall.write

[M. L. Gasparov. Kak pisat' istoriju literatury].

I wanted to answer: we should not write it in any way, because we shall not write it well now; we have no material. (2) ) Pochemu "prokuror", imeni kotorogo Erenburg ostorozhno ne nazyvaet, ne vstal,
why when.heard prosecutor this claim name M. which in E. year carefully
NEG

identify

NEG

stood.up

uslyshav eto zajavlenie Meierholda v 1939 godu?

[Annenkov Jury. Dnevnik moix vstrech].

Why "the prosecutor", whom Ehrenburg carefully does not identify, did not stand up, when he heard this claim of Meierhold in 1939?

b) Sigarety tak ostorozhno ne
cigarettes so carefully
NEG

predlagajut.
offer

[Gennady Prashkevich, Alexandr Bogdan. Chelovek "Ch"].

One does not offer cigarettes so carefully. It does not depend on the surface syntactic position, whether an adverb is in the scope of negation or not. For example, in (1 a, b) the adverb is in the scope of negation, though it precedes the negation linearly; in (3) the adverb is out of the scope of negation, though it follows the negation. (3) [A: Po-moemu, eto bylo ochen legkomyslenno s ego storony ne otvechat' na etot
in.my.opinion it was very careless of.him
NEG

answer

PREP

this

vopros.]
question

[B: Net, naoborot.]
no answer on.the.contrary in that

On ne
he

otvetil
NEG

BLAGORAZUMNO(\) answered prudently dangerous

2

, [a

ne

legkomyslenno.
careless

PART NEG

Otvechat' v tot

moment bylo ochen' opasno.]
moment was very

[A: In my opinion, it was very careless of him not to answer this question. B: No, quite the contrary.] It was prudent of him, not to answer, not careless. [It was very dangerous to answer at that moment.] The S-Neg test can be used for distinguishing between two interpretations of adverbs from CLASS II. For example, the adverb ostorozhno `carefully' falls into the scope of negation if the adverb has manner interpretation and it is out of the scope of negation if it has agent-oriented interpretation (ex. (2)). As opposed to the use of periphrasis, suggested in [Filipenko]3 the S-Neg test distinguish between two interpretations more explicitly; it can be applied to some corpus of texts. 2. SYNTACTIC AND SEMANTIC STRUCTURE OF NEGATIVE SENTENCES WITH ADVERBS. 2.1. SYNTACTIC STRUCTURE. It is expected that sentences (4) and (5) have different syntactic structure. (4) Deshevye blestki bystro ne vpityajutsja.
cheap spangles quickly
NEG

soak

Cheap spangles do not soak quickly. (5) On blagorazumno ne otvetil.


1 2

The examples (1a, b), (2 a, b) are from the Russian National Corpus. The adverb is narrowly focused.

A sentence, where the adverb has manner interpretation, has the paraphrase with conjunction kak: On otvetil blagorazumno = `to, kak on otvetil, bylo blagorazumnym' He answered prudently = `the way he answered was prudent'; a sentence where the adverb has agent-oriented interpretation has the paraphrase with chto: On blagorazumno promolchal = `to, chto on promolchal, bylo blagorazumnym' He prudently said nothing = `it was prudent of him to say nothing'

3


he

prudently

NEG

answered

He prudently did not answer. In (4) the adverb occurs in the scope of negation. In the base structure the AdvP is placed below the NegP. Sentence negation must immediately precede the verb in Russian, so the AdvP is obligatory moved to the left of the NegP: (4') Deshevye blestki bystroi ne ti vpityajutsja. The adverb is out of the scope of negation in (5); in the base structure the AdvP is higher than the NegP. 2.2. SEMANTIC STRUCTURE. 2.2.1. THE ADVERB IS IN THE SCOPE OF NEGATION. The semantic structure of (6) can be represented as (P&Q(P)), where P is the predicate and Q is the adverb ([Paducheva] p. 156). (6) On rezko zatormozil.
he abruptly braked

He braked abruptly. (6') On rezko ne zatormozil. The negation of this sentence has to express the meaning ¬(P&Q(P)), that is one of three possibilities: (i) A, but not ; (ii) not , but ; (iii) neither , nor . As A and B are connected internally, the possibility (ii) falls away. Thus ¬(P&Q(P)) = `either , but not Q(P), or even not P'. In case of (6'): On rezko ne zatormozil = `Either he has not braked at all, or he braked, but not abruptly'. However the interpretation (i) (A, but not B) is clearly more preferable, that is one equivalent to (7) (the construction with C-Neg). (7) On zatormozil ne rezko. This can be explained pragmatically: when the whole situation is negated (interpretation (iii)), it does not have much sense to negate some modification of it. The ambiguity of (6') disappears if only the adverb is in the focus. In this case the predicate constitutes the presupposition, and only the focus is negated: (8) is unambiguously interpreted as `sings, but not loudly'. (8) [A: Tvoja sestra perestala zanimat'jsja peniem.]
your sister gave.up do singing

Your sister has given up singing. B: Da net, ona prosto GROMKO(\) ne
no she simply loudly
NEG

poet, [a
sings but

tixo ­ kazhdyj den' treniruetsja].
quietly every day trains

No, she simply does not sing loudly, but she trains every day quietly. 2.2.2. THE ADVERB IS OUT OF THE SCOPE OF NEGATION. The semantic representation of (5) looks out as (P()&Q(x)) ([Bonami]). As the adverb must be out of the scope of S-Neg, the negation of this sentence can only express the meaning (¬P())&Q(x). 3. SYNTACTIC DISTRIBUTION OF ADVERBS. Adverbs with different interpretations have different syntactic distribution. An adverb with higher interpretation cannot be used as a contrast topic; sentences with a contrastly focused adverb have different semantics depending on the interpretation of the adverb (negation in sentences with an adverb with manner interpretation shifts to the adverb [Paducheva 1974 p. 149], negation in sentences with an adverb with higher interpretation does not shift) (compare (3) and (8)). Adverbs, having except manner interpretation agent-oriented or mental-state interpretation, are less acceptable in broad focus contexts as compared with adverbs, having only manner interpretation (at least in some contexts the higher interpretation of the adverbs is more preferable): (9) [: Kak ty dumaesh, pochemu na etoj vechrinke srazu ponjali, chto on
how you disguised think spy why at this party immediately they.understood that he

pereodetyj shpion?] Why do you think they immediately understood at this party that he was a disguised spy? pogubilo.] a) : On legkomyslenno ne ODELSJA, [i eto-to ego i
he carelessly
NEG

dressed

and

this

him

PART

ruin

b) : On ne odelsja legkomyslenno, [i eto-to ego I pogubilo.] He carelessly did not dress, and this ruined him. # did not dress carelessly, and this ruined him The sentences (9 a, b) were evaluated acceptable only in contexts, when the spy was not dressed at all, that is when the adverb has agent-oriented interpretation.


REFERENCES: Bonami O., Godard D., Kampers-Manhe B. Adverb classification // Corblin F., Swart, H. de (ed.) Handbook of French Semantics. Stanford: CSLI publications, 2004. P. 143-184. Cinque G. Adverbs and Functional Heads. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. Paducheva E. V. O semantike sintaksisa. Materialy k transformacionnoj grammatike russkogo jazyka. Moscow: "Nauka", 1974. Filipenko M. V. Semantika narechij i adverbial'nyx vyrazhenij. Moscow: "Azbukovnik", 2003.