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Возможности применения веберовского похода при изучении межконфессиональных
отношений на Юге Украины

?. M.Вебер и его «Протестантская этика и дух капитализма».
Темы для обсуждения:
Веберовский анализ истоков модерного экономического этоса.
Влияние идей на развитие капиталистических отношений на Западе.
Взаимосвязь истории и социологии в исследованиях Вебера.
Традиция и социальные изменения.
Экономические интересы и культура.
Капитализм и духовные ценности.
Микро и макро уровни веберовского анализа.

Рекомендованная литература для чтения:

Вебер М. Протестантская этика и дух капитализма. - М., 2003.
Вебер М. Протестантська етика ? дух кап?тал?зму / Перекл. з н?мецько?
О. Погор?лого. - К.: Основи, 1994. - 261 с.
Marshall T. H. Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait by Reinhard Bendix //
The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 12, No. 2 (Jun., 1961), pp. 184-188.
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??. Критика веберовского подхода к изучению религизных факторов
Темы для обсуждения:


Рекомендованная литература для чтения:

Kalberg Stephen. On the Neglect of Weber's Protestant Ethic as a
Theoretical Treatise: Demarcating the Parameters of Postwar American
Sociological Theory // Sociological Theory, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Mar., 1996),
pp. 49-70.

Although widely recognized as one of sociology's true classics, Max Weber's
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism has largely failed to
influence the development of sociological theory in the United States.
Because it has been read almost exclusively as a study of the "role of
ideas" in economic development, its diverse and multifaceted theoretical
contributions generally have been neglected. This study explic- itly calls
attention to The Protestant Ethic as a theoretical treatise by examining
this classic in reference to four major debates in postwar sociological
theory in the United States. Moreover, it demarcates an array of major
parameters in American theorizing. The conclusion speculates upon the
reasons for the strong opposition to The Protestant Ethic's theoretical
lessons and argues that a style of theorizing unique to sociology in the
United States has erected firm barriers against this classic text.

Crespi Franco. Max Weber Insights and Errors by S. Andreski L'ordine
infranto-Max Weber e i limiti del razionalismo by Alessandro Dal Lago
Calvinism and the Capitalist Spirit: Max Weber's Protestant Ethic by
Gianfranco Poggi // European Sociological Review, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Dec.,
1985), pp. 250-252.

'What should we learn from Weber to advance farther?' is the question
that underlies the book by Stanislav Andreski, who rightly wants to develop
a critique of Weber falling neither into pure 'ancestor worship' nor into a
kind of aggressive 'patricide'. This attitude could certainly be very
stimulating, but Andreski's discussion more than once raises some
perplexities. It is of course well known that Weber's writings are often
unclear and convoluted, that his language lacks precision, and that his
works are far from systematic. There could be good reasons to try to set
forth what constitutes the essential and more solid part of his
contribution to sociological theory. In order to do this, however, it would
be necessary not only to examine thoroughly the concepts used by Weber, but
also to understand their meaning in relation to the historical and cultural
context in which they were first formulated. In many parts of his essay,
Andreski appears more interested in making his own methodological and
theoretical positions clear than in reaching a deeper level of
interpretation of Weber's thinking. Submitting the Weberian language to an
analysis inspired by neo-positivism and operationalism, Andreski's insights
are often lacking in historical and cultural sophisti- cation. As a
consequence, the reader is put in an ambivalent situation: on the one hand,
Andreski's personal positions appear well founded, yet on the other, one
cannot avoid the feeling that his interpretation of Weber is in many
respects misleading and reductive. For example, Andreski criticises the
Weberian concept of Verstehen by referring only very superficially to the
distinction between Geisteswissenschaften and Natur- wissenschaften and to
the cultural context in which the distinction between to explain (Erklaren)
and to understand was formulated, first by Droysen and then by Dilthey.
This prevents him from giving adequate weight to the relationship between
understanding and the problem of meaning (Sinn), and between the latter and
the objectivated products of culture. Andreski is absolutely right when he
asserts that 'our ability to explain is the best criterion of our
understanding in the sense of possession of adequate knowledge' (p. 28),
but this doesn't in any sense clarify the reasons why it was so important
to Weber to define his sociology as verstehenden in order to oppose it to
the positivistic and organic approach, which was oriented to the finding of
systemic causal laws. To say that Weber had not clearly perceived that
science 'begins where empathic comprehension no longer suffices' (p. 32) is
to ignore the fact that Weber was the first to stress the inadequacy of
Diltheyan Einfiihlung in order to develop a scientific analysis of social
action. It is also to underestimate his effort to establish the concepts of
objectivity and of causality on a new basis. Perhaps if Andreski had given
more attention to Weber's methodological essays on the problem of
objectivity (1904) and on the categories of verstehenden Soziologie (1913),
this important point would have received a more adequate treatment. In the
same way, Andreski's criticism of the Weberian distinction between goal-
rational and value- rational seems to miss the point. It is true that Weber
never explains clearly enough the difference between goal and value; but if
Andreski is right in declaring that today it would be preferable to refer
only to goals- since values are, after all, nothing but goals-it is also
true that in the cultural context in which Weber was writing, that
distinction was of capital consequence. To stress, in contrast to
positivism, that rationality is not necessarily utilitarian or
instrumental, but that to act in the name of values (religious, ethical,
aesthetical, etc.) can also be rational, represents a breakthrough, the
importance of which at that time can be seen from a comparison with
Pareto's dichotomic typology of action: here the only rational action is
the logico- experimental one, while all other kinds of action are
considered non-logical or irrational. On the other hand, Weber (as is
stressed by the other two authors here reviewed) showed that every goal is
a value and that even what appears as the typical 'rational behavior' (i.e.
economic behavior) is, in the last analysis, determined by arbitrarily
chosen values, such as for example, the goal of constantly increasing
productivity. This demonstrates that the distinction between goal-rational
and value-rational was important for Weber not as a distinction between
goals and values (since he recognised their interchangeability), but as a
distinction between different forms of rationality. Unfortunately, it is
precisely in this essential point and in Weber's concept of rationalisation
that Andreski's interpretation appears most misleading. Although he
recognizes that Weber was neither a progressivist nor an optimist, in his
critique of the concept of rationalisation Andreski seems to undervalue the
relative, and often also negative, meaning that the term had for Weber. He
also seems to miss the deep roots that connect this term to Nietzsche's
philosophy. Andreski goes on objecting to Weber's use of the concept of
rationalisation as an equivalent of scientific and technical progess by
asserting that there are many other kinds of rationality, but it is well
known that Weber was convinced of the conventional character of rationality
and that he had no intention whatsoever of assuming science or technique to
be a universal criterion of it. For Weber, rationalisation was just a
specific historical and cultural process which happened to consider
instrumental rationality as the unique form of rationality. To accuse Weber
of having a narrow concept of rationality seems paradoxical in this
perspective. Obviously this attitude also prevents Andreski from
understanding the sense in which Weber could trace the progess of
rationalisation through Judaism and Christianity. The Weberian analysis of
this process can certainly be criticised on historical and cultural
grounds, but it is first necessary to understand its real meaning. One way
to this is to trace the connections between Weber's position and
Nietzsche's specific interpretation of the nihilistic character of the
metaphysical and theological tradition of Western civilisation, an
interpretation that has influenced not only Weber, but, among many others,
Heidegger. In this context rationalisation acquires a negative meaning
which is present in Weber even when he considers the fatality but in some
way also the beauty of the phenomenon. To say, as Andreski does, that 'the
only definite idea which can plausibly be traced to Nietzsche's influence
is Weber's concept of charisma', (p. 107) sounds like an amazing
oversimplification. It is only by being aware that for Weber the term
rationalisation refers to an arbitrarily selected form of determination
that it is possible to see the real meaning of some of the Weberian
distinctions. For instance, as regards the problem of charisma and
legitimation, it is not true, as Andreski will have it, that in Weber
legality is, without qualification, equivalent to legitimacy (p. 97). On
the contrary, if the relative character that the concept of legitimation
has for Weber is taken into account, it appears that for Weber legality is
only one of the possible forms of legitimation and that what is legal does
not automatically result in a legitimation of power, nor that legitimation
is necessarily legal. In the case of pure charismatic power, for instance,
law not only is not the basis of legitimation but can be an obstacle to it.
In the end, one is not so sure that Andreski has succeeded in avoiding, as
was his intention, a-however unconscious-'patricidal' attitude towards
Weber. Alessandro Dal Lago's approach to Weber is in many respects the
opposite of Andreski's, although even Dal Lago's analysis can be seen as an
attempt to go farther than Weber in the interpretation of contemporary
society-a society 'which shows more and more, in addition to the
rationalistic structures, a multitude of "gratuitous" (not connected with
problems of survival) or "irrational" forms of behavior'. In fact, Dal Lago
appreciates in Weber 'the lines of a social theory which is not bound to
merely rationalistic presuppositions' (p. 34). Dal Lago stresses the
influence of Nietzsche's nihilism as one of the most relevant elements at
the origin of Weber's attitude towards the modern world. Nihilism in this
case does not necessarily mean irrationalism, but refers to the experience
of the breaking up of all traditional values and to the impossibility of
refounding our knowledge on absolute grounds or universal frames of
reference. On the one hand, this explains Weber's perception of a plurality
of values and of the conflict among them in modern society (see the theme
of the conflict of Gods in Science as a Vocation). On the other hand, it
explains why Weber recognized that at the origin of any form of knowledge,
science included, there are always some non-rational presuppositions. The
rational and determinate forms of the different sciences were indeed
considered by Weber as 'artificial' or conventional and as limited (see Dal
Lago, p. 40 f.). In this context, rationalisation appears as the process
through which 'the specificity of Western rationality' has found its
historical expression. For Weber, as Dal Lago explains, the term
rationalisation indicates the way in which a concrete cultural phenomenon,
in itself substantially non-rational, is regulated by norms and transformed
so as to become, at least to a certain degree, predictable. It is for this
reason that the term rational has for Weber a purely conventional meaning
and can also be applied to religious, mystical or even magical forms. The
progressive emergence of a purely utilitarian or instrumental mundane
rationalism, once any ascetic or religious motivation has been lost, is
seen by Weber as a threat to the survival of individualism, for the value
of the individual is no longer protected by any transcendent reference or
any humanistic tradition. This leads Weber to perceive a characteristic gap
between rationalisation-as the level where means are adapted to ends-and
meaning (Sinn)-as the level of the general orientation which gives sense to
life. This gap is, as Dal Lago shows, at the origin of Weber's view of the
tragic destiny of Western man both from the existential or cultural aspect
and from the social or political one. Political life appears to Weber as
ruined by the pervasive 'flattening' action of bureaucratisation:
rationalisation becomes thus an 'iron cage' where the individual loses his
freedom and becomes alienated. According to Dal Lago, Weber's
rationalisation theme is perfectly consistent with his recognition of the
radically non-rational character of the (indispensable) value-choices which
stand at the origin of every human experience. From a methodological point
of view, this leads to the use of rationalistic models as instruments for
reaching limited forms of empirical knowledge. It is precisely for this
perspective that Weber still appears an important point of reference. His
attempt to maintain an empirical 'objective' dimension to knowledge,
despite the limitations of our intellectual capacities, leads to an
approach which is an alternative both to positivism and to historical
relativism. The book by Gianfranco Poggi, Calvinism and Capitalist Spirit,
is an attempt to reconsider and to test once more the validity of Weber's
specific hypothesis about the influence of Protestantism on the origins of
Capitalism. Through a careful analysis of the Weberian text, Poggi
correctly shows (as Dal Lago too has done) that in Weber the concept of
goal, being connected to an existential choice, is essentially a non-
rational option even when it appears as an economic goal oriented to the
increase of capital gain. This opens up the possibility of finding a non-
rational or irrational origin of the very 'rational' systems which emerge
in the historical process as concrete forms of specific determination. On
the other hand, Poggi points out that Weber was perfectly aware of the
presence of multi-causality and did not intend to establish a monocausal
relation between the spirit of capitalism and the capitalistic structures
of the modern world. Even if Weber has failed to demonstrate that the
spirit of capitalism has given a partial but meaningful and indispensable
causal contribution to the birth of capitalism, Poggi thinks that Weber's
hypothesis must be taken into account as a very serious endeavor. In this
perspective Poggi defines this hypothesis as 'partial, complex and
momentous'. Partial, because Weber's intention was to show a specific and
relatively minor aspect of a very wide historical phenomenon; complex,
because it refers to a rather large number of aspects or 'discrete points';
momentous, because, according to Poggi, its partiality paradoxically
increases its theoretical weight. It is precisely because Weber's
hypothesis is presented as one of the possible keys for interpreting a
complex reality that it appears today valuable from a methodological point
of view, especially if it is compared with Marx's attempt to establish a
monocausal relationship between the economic structure and the socio-
cultural infrastruc- ture. Throughout his thesis Weber established a more
correct balance between the different variables (economical, symbolic,
ideological, etc.) which interact in the historical and social situation,
thus eliminating any dogmatic claim from sociological interpretation.
Poggi's and Dal Lago's books show how it is possible to clarify the inner
logic of Weber's works without ignoring the complexity and the ambivalence
which is still making them extremely stimulating for contem- porary
sociology. After all, we must recognize that the two main problems which
were at the origin of Weber's thinking are still alive today: the
epistemological problem of the specific nature of scientific knowledge or
of the meaning of objectivity, a question which nowadays is increasingly
conceptualized in the hermeneutical terms of conventional intersubjective
communication, and the existential problem of man's chances to escape the
suffocating determinism of utilitarian rationality in order to find more
meaningful or 'substantial' forms of rationality, despite the absence of
any kind of metaphysical foundation. Perhaps the most important lesson we
may learn from Weber lies in his capacity to keep alive the tension between
the contradictory dimensions of social life (rationalisation versus life-
meaningfulness; individualism versus formali- sation, etc.) without
refusing to accept this ambivalence even if this means to face directly the
ultimately irreconcilable character of the social situation as such.
Franco Crespi University of Perugia, Italy

Rotenberg Mordechai. The Protestant Ethic against the Spirit of Psychiatry:
The Other Side of Weber's Thesis // The British Journal of Sociology, Vol.
26, No. 1 (Mar., 1975), pp. 52-65.

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Means Richard L. Weber's Thesis of the Protestant Ethic: The Ambiguities of
Received Doctrine // The Journal of Religion, Vol. 45, No. 1 (Jan., 1965),
pp. 1-11.

We have been engaged in an extensive study of Protestantism in American
social research. Our studies indicate that Weber's theory of the
"Protestant ethic," or some variant of that theory, is the central
interpretive notion used to explain empirical correlations between
Protestantism and various forms of behavior. The major idea in Weber's
thesis is that Protestantism established the necessary conditions for the
rise of capitalism. Weber's theory is provocative and complex, but its use
may involve a certain amount of ambiguity. One of the most puzzling aspects
of the situation is that current sociological research both contradicts and
sustains the theory. Another interesting fact is that the theory is used
time and time again with little documentation to prove or support its
controversial nature among historians In other words, the theory seems to
take on the characteristics of "received doctrine."

Kent Stephen A. In Search of the Spirit of Capitalism: An Essay on Max
Weber's Protestant Ethic Thesis by Gordon Marshall // Journal for the
Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 22, No. 4 (Dec., 1983), pp. 388-390.

Little David. Max Weber Revisited: The "Protestant Ethic" and the Puritan
Experience of Order // The Harvard Theological Review, Vol. 59, No. 4
(Oct., 1966), pp. 415-428.

Cohen Jere. The Problem of Evidence in the Protestant Ethic Controversy //
Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 12, No. 6 (Nov., 1983), pp. 624-625.

Roth Guenther. Current Trends in Weber Interpretation // Contemporary
Sociology, Vol. 13, No. 4 (Jul., 1984), pp. 403-406.

Drysdale John. Weber's Protestant Ethic: Origins, Evidence, Contexts. by
Hartmut Lehmann ; Guenther Roth // Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 24, No. 4
(Jul., 1995), pp. 422-423.

Coleman D. C. In Search of the Spirit of Capitalism: An Essay on Max
Weber's Protestant Ethic Thesis. by Gordon Marshall. The Spirit of
Capitalism: The Max Weber Thesis in an Economic Historical Perspective. By
Hisao Otsuka ; Masaomi Kondo // The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 46,
No. 2, The Tasks of Economic History (Jun., 1986), pp. 577-579.

Clavero BartolomИ. Weber's Protestant Ethic: Origins, Evidence, Contexts by
Hartmut Lehmann; Guenther Roth; Hartmut Lehmann; Kenneth F. Ledford Max
Weber's Comparative-Historical Sociology by Stephen Kalberg // The Journal
of Modern History, Vol. 68, No. 1 (Mar., 1996), pp. 160-162.

Rowse A. L. Max Weber: The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.
by Talcott Parsons ; R. H. Tawney // The Economic Journal, Vol. 41, No.
161 (Mar., 1931), pp. 133-135.

Means Richard L. Protestantism and Economic Institutions: Auxiliary
Theories to Weber's Protestant Ethic // Social Forces, Vol. 44, No. 3
(Mar., 1966), pp. 372-381.

Historical analysis, including Weber's thesis, offers rich clues to the
complexity and variety of relations existing between Protestant religious
institutions and economic institutions. Several of the relationships
between Protestantism and Western economic institutions are outlined. These
relationships are mediated through Protestant historical traditions left
unexplained by Weber's emphasis upon the religious doctrines of
predestination (election) and the calling. Protestant views on (a)
Education, (b) its own Minority Status, (c) Liberty and Freedom, and (d)
Social Reform, suggest hypotheses to analyze when studying American
Protestantism. The validity of interpretations of present-day Protestant
life hold only if the methods of col- lecting data permit alternative
properties to exhibit themselves.


Hammond Phillip. E. Weber's Protestant Ethic: Origins, Evidence, Contexts.
by Hartmut Lehmann ; Guenther Roth // Social Forces, Vol. 73, No. 3 (Mar.,
1995), pp. 1119-1120.

Baehr Peter. The "Iron Cage" and the "Shell as Hard as Steel": Parsons,
Weber, and the Stahlhartes Gehause Metaphor in the Protestant Ethic and the
Spirit of Capitalism // History and Theory, Vol. 40, No. 2 (May, 2001), pp.
153-169.

In the climax to The Protestant Ethic, Max Weber writes of the stahlhartes
Gehiuse that modern capitalism has created, a concept that Talcott Parsons
famously rendered as the "iron cage." This article examines the status of
Parsons's canonical translation; the puta- tive sources of its imagery (in
Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress); and the more complex idea that Weber himself
sought to evoke with the "shell as hard as steel": a reconstitution of the
human subject under bureaucratic capitalism in which "steel" becomes
emblematic of modernity. Steel, unlike the "element" iron, is a product of
human fabrication. It is both hard and potentially flexible. Further,
whereas a cage confines human agents, but leaves their powers otherwise
intact, a "shell" suggests that modern capitalism has created a new kind of
being. After examining objections to this interpretation, I argue that
whatever the problems with Parsons's "iron cage" as a rendition of Weber's
own metaphor, it has become a "traveling idea," a fertile coinage in its
own right, an intriguing example of how the translator's imagination can
impose itself influentially on the text and its readers



Rodgers Daniel T. Democracy, Mediocrity, and the Spirit of Max Weber //
Reviews in American History, Vol. 8, No. 4 (Dec., 1980), pp. 465-470.

Parker William. N. The Spirit of Capitalism and the Protestant Ethic: An
Enquiry into the Weber Thesis. By Michael H. Lessnoff // The Journal of
Economic History, Vol. 57, No. 2 (Jun., 1997), pp. 578-579.

Delacroix Jacques. The Protestant Ethic Debate: Max Weber's Replies to His
Critics, 1907 to 1910 by David J. Chalcraft ; Austin Harrington ; Mary
Shields // Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 32, No. 1 (Jan., 2003), pp. 119-
120.

Jacob Margaret C. and Kadane Matthew Missing, Now Found in the Eighteenth
Century: Weber's Protestant Capitalist // The American Historical Review,
Vol. 108, No. 1 (Feb., 2003), pp. 20-49.

Besnard Philippe. In Search of the Spirit of Capitalism. An Essay on Max
Weber's Protestant Ethic Thesis by Gordon Marshall. Judasme et capitalisme.
Essai sur la controverse entre Max Weber et Werner Sombart by Freddy Raphal
// Revue franГaise de sociologie, Vol. 25, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1984), pp.
166-168.

Tropman John. In Search of the Spirit of Capitalism: An Essay on Max
Weber's Protestant Ethic Thesis by Gordon Marshall // Journal of Policy
Analysis and Management, Vol. 3, No. 2 (Winter, 1984), pp. 323-324.

Weiss Johannes. Calvinism and the Capitalist Spirit: Max Weber's Protestant
Ethic by Gianfranco Poggi // Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers
canadiens de sociologie, Vol. 10, No. 3 (Summer, 1985), pp. 330-332.

Baker Patrick. L. Religion and Economic Action: The Protestant Ethic, the
Rise of Capitalism and the Abuses of Scholarship by Kurt Samuelsson ; E.
Geoffrey French. The Spirit of Capitalism and the Protestant Ethic: An
Enquiry into the Weber Thesis by Michael H. Lessnoff // Canadian Journal of
Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Winter, 1997),
pp. 144-147.

Bourg Carroll. J. Calvinism and the Capitalist Spirit: Max Weber's
Protestant Ethic by Gianfranco Poggi // Sociological Analysis, Vol. 46, No.
2 (Summer, 1985), pp. 185-186.

Swatos William H., Jr. In Search of the Spirit of Capitalism: An Essay on
Max Weber's Protestant Ethic Thesis by Gordon Marshall // Sociological
Analysis, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Autumn, 1983), pp. 263-264.

Berger Stephen D. The Sects and the Breakthrough into the Modern World: On
the Centrality of the Sects in Weber's Protestant Ethic Thesis // The
Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 12, No. 4 (Autumn, 1971), pp. 486-499.

THE PROBLEM Of the kind of social organization necessary to bring about
radical social change was raised by Marx in 1843-1844 in his essay on
Hegel's philosophy of law. In this essay Marx specified the kind of social
organization capable of bringing about the total, socialist revolution as
the proletariat, a class, in society but not of it, conscious of itself and
of its enemies, and organized as a party. (See also Marx and Engels, 1848).
In the historical development of Marxism, Marx' answer was reinforced, but
also narrowed and specified, by Lenin's classical (1902) formulation of the
revolutionary cadre party. In a world in which many now talk of revolution,
both in the "Third World," and even in modem indus- trialized countries, it
may be of some use to re-examine the question of the kind of social
organization involved in generating radical social change, and to re-
examine the Marxist answer. My strategy in this paper is to attack the
problem indirectly, by reexamining Max Weber's discussion of the role of
certain kinds of Protestant groups in the rise of the capitalist world. I
shall try to justify this indirect strategy at the paper's conclusion. The
Weber thesis has been with us for a long time. It has been sharply attacked
and stoutly defended, but when one tries to sift through the resulting pile-
up, it is not very clear who has won (or gained) and to continue the
football metaphor, who has lost. I suggest that one reason for this lack of
accumulation of accepted results is a lack of clarity about what the Weber
thesis asserts, and consequently, about how it is to be tested. It is now
reasonably clear (see Bendix, 1967), and should always have been clear,
that Weber's theoretical contribution lay not in the assertion of a causal
connection between Protestantism and capitalism, but in proposing the
mediating agencies, the intervening variables, to explain (and specify) a
causal connection which he (and nearly everyone else) took for granted. The
crucial issue, there- fore, is the nature of these proposed mediating
agencies. Generally speaking, in- terpreters of Weber have seen this
connection as either psychological or cultural in nature. I will try to
make plausible the assertion that the connection is largely to be seen in
structural/organizational terms, and that Weber, too, saw the connec- tion
in this way. In short, my thesis is that the social organization of the
sect is the The Sects in Weber's Protestant Ethic Thesis 487 crucial link
between Protestant theology and its vicissitudes, on the one hand, and the
rise of the capitalist spirit, on the other

Lindbekk Tore. In Search of the Spirit of Capitalism by Gordon Marshall The
Spirit of Capitalism and the Protestant Ethic by Michael H. Lessnoff
Weber's Protestant Ethic. Origins, Evidence, Contexts by H. Lehmann ; G.
Roth // Acta Sociologica, Vol. 40, No. 3 (1997), pp. 315-317.

Ringer Fritz. Weber's Protestant Ethic: Origins, Evidence, Contexts by
Hartmut Lehmann ; Guenther Roth // Central European History, Vol. 27, No. 2
(1994), pp. 241-244.

Roth Guenther. The Young Max Weber: Anglo-American Religious Influences and
Protestant Social Reform in Germany // International Journal of Politics,
Culture, and Society, Vol. 10, No. 4 (Summer, 1997), pp. 659-671.

Kaelber Lutz. Max Weber's "Protestant Ethic" in the 21st Century //
International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, Vol. 16, No. 1
(Fall, 2002), pp. 133-146.

Turner Charles. The Protestant Ethic Debate // International Journal of
Politics, Culture, and Society, Vol. 16, No. 1 (Fall, 2002), pp. 147-151.

Whimster Sam. The Protestant Ethic Turns 100: Essays on the Centenary of
the Weber Thesis by William H. Swatos Jr.; Lutz Kaelber // Contemporary
Sociology, Vol. 35, No. 4 (Jul., 2006), pp. 423-425.

???. Проникновение идей Реформаторства на юг Украины
Темы для обсуждения:
Специфика колонизационных процессов в регионе. Акцент на переселении
представителей различных этносов и конфессий.
Поликультурность Юга Украины.
Переселенцы из протестанстских стран.
Специфика религиозных воззрений и обрядности переселенцев.

Рекомендованная литература для чтения:

Бойко А. П?вденна Укра?на останньо? чверт? ХV??? стол?ття. Анал?з джерел. -
К., 2000. - 308 с.
Дружинина Е.И. Северное Причерноморье в 1775 - 1800 гг. - М.: изд. Академии
наук СССР, 1959. - 277 с.
Жук С.И. Немецкая диаспора XVIII в. и колонизация Приднепровья
(теоретические аспекты социокультурной истории) // Вопросы германской
истории. Украинско-немецкие связи в новое и новейшее время. Межвузовский
сборник научных трудов. - Днепропетровск: Издательство ДГУ, 1995. - С. 16 -
29.
Евангельское движение в Российской империи (1850-1917): Екатеринославская
губерния: (Сборник документов и материалов) / Сост. и ред. О.В.Безносова. -
Днепропетровск; Штайнхаген: «Samencorn», 2006. - 320 с.
Безносова О.В. Немецкие проповедники-миссионеры и их роль в распространении
протестантизма в Украине // Малочисленные национальности Юга Украины.
История и современность: Тезисы к областной научно-практической конференции
19-20 сентября 1990 г. - Запорожье: ЗДУ, 1990. - С. 21-22.
Безносова О.В. Роль немецких колонистов и меннонитов в распространении
протестантизма среди православного населения Украины во второй половине Х?Х
в. // Вопросы германской истории: Межвузовский сборник научных трудов. -
Днепропетровск: ДГУ, 1996. - С.76-86.
IV. Хозяйственное развитие Юга Украины и его взаимосвязь с конфессиональной
принадлежностью населения региона
Темы для обсуждения:
Хозяйственный уклад различных групп протестантского населения края.
Межконфессиональные контакты.
«Предприниматели нового типа» в первой половине Х?Х века.
Религиозный синкретизм и его связь с хозяйственным развитием региона.
Протестантские соседи и государственные крестьяне: религиозные и
хозяйственные влияния.
Толкование Библии богословами и приходскими священниками региона. Отражение
в этих толкованиях идей Реформаторства.

Рекомендованная литература для чтения:

1. Бойко А. П?вденна Укра?на останньо? чверт? XVIII стол?ття.
Частина 1. Аграрн? в?дносини. - Запор?жжя: РА "Тандем - У",
1997. - 204 с.
2. М?жконфес?йн? вза?мини на П?вдн? Укра?ни XVIII - ХХ стол?ття. /
Бойко А.В., ?гнатуша О.М., Лиман ?.?., М?льчев В.?. та ?н. -
Запор?жжя: РА "Тандем - У", 1999. - 252 с.
3. М?льчев В. Болгарськ? переселенц? на п?вдн? Укра?ни. 1724 - 1800
рр. - Ки?в - Запор?жжя: РА "Тандем - У", 2001. - 198 с.
4. Рел?г?йн? орган?зац?? на Микола?вщин?: ?стор?я та сучасн?сть.
Науково популярний дов?дник. - Микола?в: Вид. МФ НаУКМА, 2001. -
248 с.
5. Секиринский С.А. Из истории крестьянской колонизации Таврической
губернии в конце XVIII - первой половине Х?Х в. // Ежегодник по
аграрной истории Восточной Европы. - Рига, 1963. - С. 356 - 363.
6. Секиринский С.А. Некоторые черты развития сельского хозяйства
Крыма и прилегающих к нему земель Южной Украины в конце XVIII -
первой половине Х?Х в. // Ежегодник по аграрной истории
Восточной Европы. - К., 1962. - С. 403 - 418.
7. Лиман ?.?. Рел?г?йний синкретизм та господарський розвиток
п?вдня Укра?ни // Республ?канська науково-методична конференц?я
"?стор?я державност? Укра?ни (проблеми вивчення у ВУЗ?)". 15 -
17 кв?тня 1992 року. Тези допов?дей. - Ч. ?. - К., 1992. - С.
142 - 143.
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