NASA Johnson Space Center
Oral History Project
Edited Oral History Transcript
Jack Funk
Interviewed by Jennifer Ross-Nazzal
Houston, Texas – 5 November
2003
Ross-Nazzal:
Today is November 5th, 2003. This oral history with Jack Funk is being
conducted for the Johnson Space Center Oral History Project in Houston,
Texas. Jennifer Ross-Nazzal is the interviewer, and she is assisted
by Rebecca Wright.
Thank you again for joining us this afternoon. We really appreciate
it. I’d like to begin by asking you about your work with the
Space Shuttle Program.
Funk:
Well, the Space Shuttle Program, my work started with reviewing the
contract evaluation, which we actually went to New Orleans [Louisiana],
but the evaluation was at the Michoud [Assembly Facility] test site
for Saturn rockets, actually. The contractors, of course, present
a contract and a configuration which is based on all the requirements,
which are mostly put down by other people up in [NASA] Headquarters
[Washington, D.C.] and things like that, and we review it and try
to select the best contractor, although usually it’s like a
toss-up between two or three of them. But we have to put them in order,
and they don’t always select what we say is the best one, either
one.
Then I went back to the Center and continued work on a few things,
but the configuration they presented, right away I saw two items that
I didn’t like. The first one was that they had air-breathing
engines in the payload bay, and they weren’t piston engines.
They were the jet engines in the payload bay, and they were going
to just [put] them out in the air after they came through the entry
and got back down into flight status and turn them on to use for landing.
You know, it just almost looked to me like they were asking for trouble.
They’re going to open up the payload bay when they’re
moving at, say, three or four hundred miles an hour. Well, that’s
going to destroy the aerodynamics, for one thing.
Two, they’re going to get awful loads on those things. You know,
you put a door out in the middle of all that, and you’re going
to get awful loads on it. Then they’ve got to air-start [the
engines], and if they don’t start both engines at the same time,
they’re in deep trouble, because they’re going to get
drag on one side and thrust on the other, and they probably [can’t]
recover from that.
So when I was flying one day coming home from [a trip], we landed,
and I began to think, “You know, I’ve been flying a lot,
and I can’t remember once, except when I was flying to Seattle
[Washington], that we ever had to go around.” So I went to Bill
[Howard W.] Tindall’s staff meeting, who was the Operations
Director, and told him I thought it was a dumb idea.
He said, “Well, the astronauts want it.”
I said, “It’s still a dumb idea.” I told him the
X-15, the first airplane to fly faster than the speed of sound, they
always did a dead-stick landing. They didn’t have any propulsion
when [landing]. I suggested that [Bill Tindall] go out there and talk
to those astronauts, show them what they’re thinking about doing,
and check with them about what they think of the idea and what they
think of the idea of landing without propulsion. Well, Tindall didn’t
go out, [I think it was Robert R.] Gilruth, [but I am not sure of
who made the trip]. When he came back, the engines were gone.
So the other item that right off the bat looked really not too good
was that they had—[because of] the fire on the pad—[Apollo
added] solid rockets, two big solid rockets, on either side of the
payload bay above the wing that [were] here in case they had trouble
on the pad, they could light those rockets off and pull the engine
out and go out and ditch in the water. But the structure necessary
to hold those [rockets] looked to me like it was going to be horrendous,
and they had no other further use. They were going to light them off
after they got up [to] a certain speed because the weight that they
were holding, they didn’t want to take that all the way to orbit,
and they were going to fire them to use the propellant rather than
staging.
But that’s when I started to figure out what could we do to
get rid of those things, and I did some work at my desk with drawings
and everything like that about putting [oxygen] and hydrogen inside
the Orbiter, just small tanks, enough to fire the main engines. [The
main engines] could take it off of [the tanks] once they’re
started and use them in the places of solids.
I gave a presentation on that to Max [Maxime A.] Faget and his Engineering
Division and other people. Max didn’t like it because of the
hydrogen, and I agreed with him, yes, hydrogen is hard to keep from
leaking. So, essentially, it got turned thumbs down.
Now, let’s see. How did that go? Then I suggested that they
could use—no. When did the OMS [Orbital Maneuvering System]
engines come along? Oh, what happened is they decided that the big
rockets on the side were reliable enough not to have to back it up
with; the probabilities of failure of the system they were talking
about abort were probably bigger than the probabilities of the side
rockets failing, although we did have one fail during Challenger.
But that was never noticed, so those other rockets would have never
been used anyhow. So that’s the way that got solved. We just
took them off.
The next thing that happened was that a note [came] across my desk
saying that Bill Tindall didn’t like taking the hydrogen tank
into orbit and then getting rid of it by firing a little rocket on
it and putting it down into the ocean somewhere, because he thought
that in order to make that maneuver firing it, that you were going
to have to put an attitude control system on that. That’s something
that could pitch it up and hold it while it was firing. That was not
only going to be expensive, but it looked to him like a pretty difficult
thing to do, and he sent a note over to Mission Planning and Analysis
Division that he thought that we ought to look at some way of doing
that, of replacing that particular way of doing it.
Well, I went right back to the idea of the abort system and said that
if we could use something like that to suborbital stage the tank into
the Indian Ocean, and the reason why you pick the Indian Ocean is
because a lot of trajectories, this inclination and that inclination,
they crossed right there, so that you could put it down there for
almost any flight you were going to make. It was a good place—very
few boats, very few tankers coming through there. So I started working
on that.
Well, Max didn’t like the hydrogen, so I said, “Well,
let’s use the OMS system. Let’s increase the tank size
and put them down in the wing roots,” where there’s area
in there that you could hide double sets of tanks on both sides to
fire the OMS engine. He didn’t like that either, but that would
have cleaned up the aerodynamics nicely. The thing flies like a brick.
So, well, I made several presentations on that, and they turned thumbs
down on that. Then a little note came across my desk, says, “The
OMS requirement for the OMS maneuvering onboard,” that’s
what the OMS is, [Orbital] Maneuvering System, “has been reduced
from 1,000 feet per second to 750 feet per second in order to save
the weight of the propellant.” Right now it was already designed
to carry 1,000 feet per second with the propellant.
So I shipped back a note to Tindall, told him, “Hey, that 250
feet per second’s enough to suborbital stage the tank.”
Then you use it for going into orbit, see. You stage the tank, you
use the 250 feet per second to go into orbit, and that increases the
payload a little bit, plus it picks up the payload, carrying that
rocket, the 7,500-pound rocket that they’re going to use to
retrofire it into orbit, and you get rid of the tank weight sooner.
That all added up into better performance.
I said, “It doesn’t matter right now. Let them go ahead
with what they want. If it doesn’t work, we can drop back to
the staging of the tank.” Well, that put the managers in a tough
spot. If they go ahead with going into orbit and bringing it back
and it didn’t work and they had to go put an attitude control
system on there, and at the same time the Martin Corporation in Denver
[Colorado], who was building the tank, they come in and made a presentation,
said, “Yeah, we will save $70 million on tech [technical] design
if you suborbital stage it.”
So from then on, they changed over to the suborbital staging, and
we did a complete analysis of—we wrote a program to do the launches,
stage the tank, put in all the possible errors in the launch. We had
error statements that the engine would not have exactly the right
characteristics. A lot of other things would not have the right characteristics.
We had those all, and we put it into a program that made the launches
for all these different characteristics and made a table of the performance,
made a drawing of the footprint of the possible errors in causing
the impact points to be changed.
Of course, at that time I had a few people that didn’t have
anything else to do. Apollo was doing other things, and they wrote
this program. You took it over and you put it in there and pushed
a button, out come the report, to show everybody, that was to demonstrate,
in terms of simulation, that we could do this. So that was about all
I did for Shuttle. [The contract was given to a company.]
Then came the Skylab. It was already up there. [NASA Headquarters
in Washington, D.C.] started a project, $20 million, to design an
orbiting vehicle that we’d launch into orbit. It would go up
there and grab a hold of the Skylab and push it up back higher so
it wouldn’t come in. Got a note from Gilruth—[it was a
verbal request delivered by division chief]. This project was under
Huntsville [Marshall Space Flight Center, Alabama], under [Wernher]
von Braun and company. [Von Braun started the Skylab Program. I do
not know who was Director of the Marshall Space Flight Center at the
time it returned to Earth or who came to JSC to present their analysis
of the Skylab trajectory.] Got a note from Gilruth, wanted me to take
a look at the project and see what I could do, just keep track of
what’s going on.
I got a little document, a little paperlike memorandum, that Huntsville
had published, that said that they couldn’t very well simulate
the Skylab with their program. They didn’t know any way to take
the digital computer and figure out what was going on and things like
that. They said they didn’t think they could predict the impact
with any confidence.
So I looked at that and I wondered what I could do with it. I had
this report that was written by Dr. Kaplan from Penn[sylvania] State
University [University Park, Pennsylvania] about a method of modeling
Skylab in a wind tunnel with just three degrees of freedom of pitching
to get some idea. He thought they could predict. Well, they did make
a prediction of where it would start tumbling, because when it starts
tumbling, the drag goes up, comes in much faster. It was already coming
in much faster because of their prediction of what the upper atmosphere
at those altitudes would be like was a little low, and it just was
coming down faster.
I said, “Well, I can take those equations and then just pick
up the orbiting [program] and let it produce all the forces for the
orbiting program,” so that we could track it, and then it would
also show all the motions of the Skylab. So, got the aerodynamics,
and we had to put 1,400 points into the table and things like that
and model this thing and started running it. And every time I’d
run it, it would tumble. I was putting in atmospheric data from the
ten-centimeter [radiation from the Sun that JSC was] getting from
NOAA [National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration] on the solar
flares and everything else that [I could think of but it] was always
tumbling. I looked and looked and looked for an error in that program
and couldn’t find it.
Well, one day somebody came in and said, “The Air Force says
Skylab is tumbling.”
I said, “Oh, my program’s not wrong after all.”
So I said, “The thing for me to do now is to go way back and
pick up the Skylab data and get an initial set of conditions to start
out the program and figure out where the program says it tumbles.”
Well, getting the initial set of conditions, the attitude—I
had the velocity and the orbital position and everything like that,
but I did not have the attitude. But they had recording gyros on there,
which they were recording the attitude before it tumbled and during
tumbling.
So I went back, and what I did, I started running error coefficients
on the position and do a least squares fit to the gyros. And when
I got the position that gave the least error in the gyros, that’s
a normal way of fitting data to curves, been there ever since they
invented it back a couple centuries ago to do the initial orbits for
the satellites. I mean like Mars and those things. Once I got that
and put it in and ran it, then it started. It ran along, and after
a while it tumbled. I looked at what I was putting in that made it
tumble, and that was when a solar flare [which] increased the temperature
and densities of the upper atmosphere. It made it tumble at that time.
So I went over and I told Tindall that—I think he was still—it
was Tindall or Ronald [L.] Berry, probably Ronald Berry, that I wanted
to make a presentation to Gilruth on what I’d found out. [I
do not remember who was where. The task of writing the Skylab dynamic
model and adding it to an orbit program was very difficult. I know
I made a presentation in Washington, D.C. and suggested that they
drop the program to put the Skylab in a higher orbit because it was
going to come down before they could build the required system to
push it to a higher orbit.]
I made a presentation to [Gilruth] and showed him what I’d found
out, and then I said, “This idea of going up there and picking
it up, getting something that can hold on to it when it’s tumbling
or even grab it when it quit tumbling, is pretty—well, you don’t
have real confidence that you can do that. Even when it wasn’t
tumbling, you don’t have real confidence to do that. The other
thing is, it’s now coming down so fast that I don’t think
you can get the system ready to go before it comes in. So the thing
to do is to cancel that project, bite the bullet, and let it come
down.” And they all agreed. So I was there when the impact—and
then they did all this. That’s the trajectory of it coming down,
from the tracking data.
So then I was sitting around, practically nothing to do, and I had
thirty-six years of service, thirty-six and a half, and I had one
year of health leave I’d never used, and that gets tacked on
as a year of service. Thirty-seven years. And at forty years, my retirement
income will never go up. You get 2 percent a year, so I was looking
at about 6 percent. Inflation is running at 7 and a half percent,
which retirees were getting, 7 and a half percent increase in their
retirement income. But the people on [civil] service, the president
could cut that 7 and a half percent down, and it was usually cut down
to about 5 percent.
I looked at that and I said, “Well, if I retire in a couple
years, I’ll be making more money and I will have more income
than if I stay here.” So I started looking to put out résumés
to companies that were aerospace companies.
Well, Sig [Sigurd A.] Sjoberg had retired, and he was Gilruth’s
assistant for quite some time. He had taken a job with a company called
OAO Corporation, which supported McDonnell Douglas [Corporation],
which supported NASA. So I sent my résumé to him. I
actually didn’t have to send my résumé to him.
[Laughs]
He called me up as soon he got it and said, “Come on to work.”
I said, “Well, I got to give them two weeks’ notice. Ron
Berry says I have to give them two weeks’ notice.”
He says, “No, you don’t. I’ll make a telephone call.”
So Sig called Ron Berry and said he wanted me now, right now.
So that’s why Ron Berry [came] in and said, “You can retire.”
So I went over there. He sent me to McDonnell Douglas, and McDonnell
Douglas put me to working on doing changes to the SVDS [Space Vehicles
Design Simulation] Program, which was run by MPAD [Mission Planning
and Analysis Division]. [Laughs] I was right back, as an employee
rather than a section head, doing work on trajectory programs for
NASA. But I didn’t have any trouble. My father taught me, “You
do what I tell you, and then when you grow up, you’ll learn
enough that you can tell other people.” [Laughs] And I spent
five years there, doing [computer program changes]. I guess you don’t
want to know anything about that? You want to terminate that?
Ross-Nazzal:
If you’d like to share some with us, that’d be great.
Funk:
Well, the first problem [I] ran into was being able to run the program.
I’d go in there, and it would bomb every time. I said, “Hmm.”
So I sat down and I said, “I’m going to run all the inputs
here one at a time, putting them in one at a time, until I find the
minimum number of inputs that makes a program run,” because
if you can’t run it, you can’t debug it. Or I mean, you
can’t [add] anything else to it.
I had a users’ guide. It told me all the options and everything
else, but it didn’t tell me that one thing. So I started writing
a users’ guide, and I got it to running. My job was to add the
program for navigation for the Shuttle from people who had done it,
you know, standalone into the program so they could run a simulation
of rendezvous with the Shuttle with the radar.
Well, first of all, I just took that program and ran it by itself
so I knew that when I hooked it up to the main program, if it didn’t
run right, it was something to do [with] the hookup, not what was
in the program. We hooked it up to the program and, sure enough, it
wouldn’t run. So we looked and we looked, and I had an assistant
and we looked. I finally looked and said, “Well, every time
we run this thing, it points the radar in the wrong direction.”
So I called the people up who wrote the program. I said, “Come
on over here. There’s something wrong that’s not necessarily
in the program.”
They came over and they looked at the attitude matrix that we were
using to mount the radar in the payload bay. They took one look at
that and they said, “Well, that’s wrong.” So they
give us the right numbers, and from then on everything worked.
Well, let’s see if any other unusual things—that’s
about the only significant part of the problem. They did send in Dr.
Gottlieb, who came from Huntsville, up to help put in some models
of the—was it the OMS system? Yes, into that program. He was
working with me. Every time he would come in with a problem that couldn’t
run, I said, “Well, that’s because you don’t have
the OMS characteristics right.” I knew what they were, but somehow
he didn’t have it. I knew. He did that for about a month or
two before he got it written right.
That’s why I performed so well. I could read the program. The
people you bring in that are program majors, they don’t know
the system. They also can’t read the code. When I see, “ISP,”
I know that’s an engine characteristic. When I see a lot of
other things, they [are systems or trajectories]. I was sitting there,
looking at a printout one day, and there’s six numbers for X,
Y, Z, and X.YZ, which is position and velocity for the Shuttle, and
there was another set and they weren’t the same. Now, first
of all, these people wouldn’t recognize what it was, what those
numbers were, and that they weren’t the same. I knew why they
weren’t the same, that this was computed for a different set
of inputs than that one.
I said, “There’s only one way that could happen,”
that the [subroutine] called “WHEREAT” is in [the program]
twice. Where is it? The printout for [the computer code is in] notebooks
that are about that long [gestures]. Where is it?
Well, I had another assistant, a person that was working with me,
that was good with the editor, so I told him to take the whole program
[and make a copy]. We had lots of storage then. Put it [on]. It would
be our program. They’re not going to use it. “I want you
to write an editor routine,” and this was a good editor, “that
takes and puts the subroutine de-bug at the beginning of every subroutine
that’s in that program. [The editor] can do that automatically,
and make [debug] pick up the name of that subroutine [it is in] and
print it out, and then it returns to the main program.” …
[Debug can be programmed to look for errors. When debug finds the
errors you know the name of the subroutine that has errors. As an
example it found that a program called WHEREAT was called twice in
the program and gave different outputs. We deleted one The source
code for SVDV required three to four feet of shelf to store the notebooks
containing a printout of the code. McDonnell Douglas lost the NASA
support contract to UNISYS and that program was lost.]
But that produced an interesting de-bug [technique], which I don’t
think I’ve got. I could go into that program, and if I wanted
to find out what was going on, I could write a program that would
only run when it came to [designated] subprograms and print out all
the information I wanted. …
So things went along pretty good until the program got so that it’s
too big, so they put a segment in, run it and take it out, then put
another segment in it, run it, take it out, and they were getting
too long. So you have to overlay it and you have to change where the
subroutines [are located].
We went to the person that knew most about overlaying and asked him
how to do it. Well, he says, “You do it by trial and error,
trial and error, and trial and error.”
I said, “Well, how long does it usually take you to overlay
it, to change the overlays?”
He says, “Oh, maybe a month, maybe two, three months.”
So I said to Bob, “That’s crazy. We’ve got to do
something about that.”
So I called up the machine people, the people that run the computers.
It was always bombing out because it would be called a machine program
to do something to run the machine the way it’s supposed to,
and bombing out. So I came over and I had those people come over to
us, we sat down and laid out our problem, and they looked and they
said, “Well, that program, that program, that program, that
program, they’ve got to all be in the main program. You can’t
run a machine without those in the main program.”
So we sat down and rerun the main program. We rewrote the main program.
We went through the whole system with the editor, picked up every
one of those [machines] that were in there, and actually made the
computer program, put them all in the main program. That worked fine.
Then all’s we had to do was when we got [the] printout [and]
the overlay was too big, we could read how much too big it was right
off the end of the printout. It would print out storage locations.
All’s we needed to do was take enough of these subroutines that
were in this segment [that was too long] and see if we couldn’t
fit them into this overlay down here and some other place and still
get the data to run. And, it [only] took us a day or two to keep the
overlays from bombing off.
I thought that was a great idea. I mean, from then on, we never had
any trouble. But when I left, I would have thought that the company
would have been interested in documenting [the technique], but they
never used it after that. Maybe they didn’t mind charging NASA
for all the costs of that big program. [Laughs] Actually, that program
cost probably more over the period—they’re probably still
using [the program]—than what it cost to build the Center.
Ross-Nazzal:
Oh, goodness. That’s expensive. That’s very expensive.
Funk:
Oh, the software, all the software probably cost more than all the
hardware that was produced.
Ross-Nazzal:
After you left this company, did you work for any other contractors?
Funk:
Yes. Well, McDonnell Douglas lost their contract. They got the best
review, and everybody wanted to keep them. They got it from TRW [Thompson-Ramo-Wooldridge
Inc.]. TRW was just as good or better than McDonnell Douglas. McDonnell
Douglas lost it to Unisys. Unisys said, “Anybody over there
that wants to come over, come on over, and we will hire you.”
I went over [to Unisys]. They hired me right on the spot. They put
me back into being a section chief, working on the same program, but
that was really a problem, the management and the crazy things were
happening. They had a different task statement, which increased the
paperwork by a hundredfold. It was ridiculous. But we managed to go—and
at one stage in—I guess before I went to Unisys, they asked
me to write an input subroutine, you know, actually for the users’
guide. They were having the same problems I was having. They would
send somebody to run a program, and they couldn’t get it to
run.
That brings up interesting information. While I was working on SVDS,
some engineer came into my office and—actually, not an office,
but I was sitting out on the floor—and said, “There’s
an error in that program.”
I said, “No, there’s no error in this program. We’ve
run it enough that the part that you are running, there might be an
error in the part that I’m working with, but there’s not
any errors in the part you’re running. We made too many runs
on it.”
He said, “Well—.” He told me what happened. On a
Shuttle flight, they were supposed to come over Hawaii and turn the
Shuttle upside down and make some measurements, or the Shuttle’s
making some measurements to do some kind of experiment onboard the
Shuttle, and instead of doing that, it turned it right side up.
Okay. I said, “What units did you put into the program for the
altitude?”
He said, “I don’t know.” He went back and he said,
“I put in feet per second.” I mean feet.
I said, “Well, the units call for nautical miles.” What
it did is pointed at the Moon. [Laughs]
So when I was asked to write this input, I sat down and I started
out with line inputs. If you know what Windows is, it’s not
anything like Windows. Have you used a computer with Windows on it?
Ross-Nazzal:
Oh, yes, yes.
Funk:
This comes up and writes it out. “These inputs are required
to run any program,” just to get to program one, A, B, C, D,
you know, like that. “Now, these are the options for various
things that the program can do. Choose one.” Or two or three.
Depends on how many options that you can run at one time. Well, as
soon as they chose an option, then it comes up with, “These
are the inputs and the units that you’ve got to put in to make
this option run,” and went down for all the options and all
the programs like that.
It took me about three or four months to write that and check it all
out, but you could sit anybody down to the program. If they had the
data, they would not make a mistake unless they put the wrong units
in. I didn’t write them to check the units, because that would
be a little hard to do. Unless they made a mistake in putting in the
data, then it would run. You didn’t have to know anything about
the program.
Well, later on after some time down the years, they decided to make
a Windows-type input for it, and those things are horrible. They put
little things up here you’re supposed to write the numbers in,
write the numbers, doesn’t tell you anything about what you
should put in there. They spent some $20 million on doing that. They
spent six months of my time. Then when they got it done and they were
inputting it this time to a program that was now put on one of these
big desk-type computers, once they got it done, it would never run
on any other type computer.
I went to work, after Unisys, for Muniz Engineering [Inc.], and they
gave me that program to work with, and it was horrible. I said, “Why
didn’t they stay with the line inputs that you can’t make
any mistakes?” If you want to change it, you just put another
line in. To add an option, you just put Option C, D, E, or F, or like
that, choose one, and it tells you what to put in. And it runs with
any program you can put the compiler on, or the compiler can even
put a run program on the machine, and you don’t have to worry
about transporting it to another machine. But I don’t know what
they do with it now.
But after McDonnell Douglas, we went to Unisys. Didn’t accomplish
much over there. It was a problem. What happened, because when they
gave the project to Unisys, and that was a subcontract to Lockheed
[Aircraft Corporation], who took over the launch facilities, too,
and a lot of the people refused to go. A lot of the experienced people
refused to go. I had a staff that most of them I had to actually train
on how to—and a lot of stuff I did myself, because the schedule
they wanted it on was pretty short, and they wanted all this documentation
about the changes and things like that.
So I finally—Eagle Engineering [Inc.] came into being, which
was a bunch of engineers from NASA who put their own company together
to work with NASA and the space industries, launch-vehicle industries,
and they wanted me to come over there because they needed launch performance
data. It was a problem trying to work with these people who couldn’t
handle the program. We had three or four that could, but the best
one I had of that who could sit down, do the analysis, two to three
weeks, write a program, write the documentation and write it up, turn
it in, he got snapped up by Boeing [Company].
So I went to work for Eagle doing contract work. I did a performance
study for Titan for the contractor that operated Titan rockets, Hercules
[Aerospace Corporation]. I did a lot of other studies. That’s
proprietary information. As a matter of fact, I was doing this work
all at home. I said, “Well, it’s proprietary. Nobody’s
going to see this stuff but me.” I still have it there. But
for the final runs, [that] they were going to put into the contract,
they sent somebody there to watch me do it. [Laughs] I said, “Look.
I worked for four or five years under top secret for the government.”
I cleared that up, but they were a little worried.
Let’s see. What other happened? Oh, yes. You know, the Challenger
happened in January. They took that program over in October or November,
the one that blew up, and they didn’t fly for about two years
after that. That saved Lockheed from being [un]able to run this contract.
McDonnell Douglas thought sure that they were going to fail, and they
said, themselves, that if they hadn’t had the Challenger accident,
they would have been in deep trouble of being able to put together
the necessary experienced people to manage and to take care of the
contracts.
But [in June 1989], Eagle Engineering got a request from Lockheed.
They were reprogramming the Shuttle engineering simulator computer.
They were taking the simulation from one computer putting on another
one. Now, this is a simulation that the engineering people use to
check out different things they’re doing with the Shuttle to
make sure that it’s reasonably going to work before they give
to anybody else.
They said they had an error in the program that they couldn’t
find, because they’d shifted it from one computer to the other,
and they [gave] me a three months’ contract to come over and
see if I could find it. So I went over and learned to run the program,
rather than have somebody else run it for me, too much trouble to
communicate right, and started running runs. First of all, and I had
the requirements documents. First of all, I looked—and somebody
at that time said, “Oh, go-to statements are no good.”
This is what comes up all the time in programming. Some college professor
wrote up all this stuff that’s no good. What you want to do
is “if then, else.”
They had this programmer that had put all those “if then, else”
in there, and they said there’s a mistake in it. I went through
it, and I couldn’t find a mistake either. I looked and looked,
and I couldn’t find any mistakes, and so I went to looking at
the [instability]. Then engineering came back [to me] again. “Wait
a minute. Wait a minute. All’s they need is a sine error in
the control matrix and it’s unstable.”
So I did what nobody else there that they’d hired just to do
the programming could do. I sat down and read about the control matrix
myself. And I looked [at] it and I said, “Yeah, there’s
a sine error.” And I looked at the [requirements] document.
“Yeah, there’s a sign error in the document. This is a
controlled document for Shuttle software for flight that was certified
by North American [Rockwell International Corporation] as being run
and correct and there’s no errors in it.”
So I went in to the guy that was running it, and I said, “Change
this sine.” I think it had to be either plus to minus, but I
think it was a minus. Yes, I think it was a plus to a minus. “And
run it.”
He came in and said, “Yeah, everything works fine.” So
I sat down and wrote this up. Well, I said, “North American
has sent you a document that wasn’t checked out. There’s
no way they could run that and make it work unless somebody fudged
it just to make schedules.”
So they called North American and they said, “Oh, yeah, we found
that error, and we’re going to—,” and they thought,
“Oh, yeah?” It only takes an hour or two to go in and
change that sine. We told them where it was.
So the poor girl that did this program, she came down, sat down by
my desk—she was about in tears—said, “They’re
about to fire me.”
I said, “Why?”
“Because of those ‘if, then, else’ statements.”
I said, “They violated the—who told you that?”
She said, “Somebody over at NASA.”
I said, “They violated, telling you to do that. They should
have run that through the control board and get authority to do it,
because this is a controlled document. That program should have never
been programmed that way.”
She said, “Well, we’re getting a new one in, you know.
They’re getting a new one.”
I said, “I’ll tell you what to do. You go through that
controlled document and put down everything it says to do in there
just like it says to do. And if you want to, write all the text in
there, so that when you print it out, it prints a controlled document,
and get it to run and everything runs right. Then if this guy says
he wants ‘if, then’ statements in it, you say, ‘Well,
I’ll do that. You just send me a letter saying do it.’”
I said, “He’s not going to send you that letter.”
So that’s about the last thing I think I’ve done.
Ross-Nazzal:
Well, you’ve had quite an interesting career.
Funk:
Except all those studies I did. I’ve got lots of simulations.
I can run the Shuttle trajectory just as well as they can, right into
orbit. I did the Hercules. Oh, I did a lot of things for some contractors.
We worked with Hercules and Eagle Engineering to develop a set of
modular rockets. They were all solid rockets that could be used to
put up a lot of different payloads, but we couldn’t get NASA
to buy it. They didn’t have to build it. They just had to buy
it.
Ross-Nazzal:
Let me ask you just two questions before we close out today. Looking
back over your career with NASA and with NACA [National Advisory Committee
for Aeronautics], what do you think was your most significant accomplishment?
Funk:
Most success. Oh, you mean for NASA?
Ross-Nazzal:
For NASA or with NACA.
Funk:
For NASA, the most significant accomplishment was that trajectory
program, that trajectory program, for NASA and for the [Johnson] Space
Center over here, because there was a big controversy. I see in this
list of people that were interviewed that a guy named [Joseph F.]
Shea was interviewed. He did come down to work here, but he tried
to get that program to go to Headquarters. That was the most significant
one. It was more [significant] to the work I did for Apollo and Shuttle,
because they impacted programs. The other ones, like the lateral stability
aircraft due to high altitude, that’s just technical documentation
to educate designers, and there was no real input into projects.
Ross-Nazzal:
What do you think was your biggest challenge?
Funk:
The Skylab Program. [I did the Skylab Program myself. Tom [Thomas
F.] Gibson and Ellis Henry did the Apollo Mission Planning Program.]
That was a challenge, but we knew how to do it. Tom Gibson and Ellis
Henry were just fantastic about completing it in three or four months.
[Tom was not with me when Skylab came in, and Ellis was working on
trajectories to Mars. Ellis published MSC Internal Note No. 70-FM-89
“Round-Trip Mars Orbital Missions in the 1980s”.] I would
guess that maybe it was less than six months, and they were probably
the only two persons in the organization who could have done that
in that time.
Ross-Nazzal:
Let me ask Rebecca if she has any questions for you today. No?
Do you think there’s anything we’ve overlooked? I mean,
you did a fantastic job of giving us a sense of your career with NASA
and with NACA.
Funk:
Oh yes, a postscript, postscript. You can use this or you can cut
it out if you want to.
During the programming of the guidance computer, Dr. [Richard H.]
Battin and I were up at Washington, D.C., giving a progress report
on the progress of the guidance computer program, always it comes
up, arguments about schedules and everything and questions about schedule.
Dr. Battin looked out over the audience and—I quote—he
said, “NASA’s idea of a crash program is to get [a woman]
pregnant and hope for a baby in one month.” [Laughter]
Ross-Nazzal:
That’s a great joke.
Funk:
Oh, I had to laugh. That stunned the whole audience. That’s
the saying of the decade, I think.
Ross-Nazzal:
Well, you certainly have a lot of great memories, and you’ve
certainly done a lot.
Funk:
Oh, there’s a lot of stuff that pops up every now—I don’t
have a recall memory. Things will pop up. This will pop up a memory
I didn’t even know I had. For instance, like the fires in California.
My sister that’s still living is out there. I called her up
and said, “What are you trying to do, burn down California?”
She’s in Bakersfield, though. I said, “Do you remember
that fire when the mountain behind Mercersburg [Pennsylvania] there
caught on fire?”
She said, “Yeah, but I’m surprised that you know it.”
I said, “You must have been about three years old when that
happened.”
But I don’t know. I mean, those things just pop up.
Wright:
Mr. Funk, what’s your favorite memory of Dr. Gilruth, of working
with Bob Gilruth? Do you have a special moment that you remember working
with him?
Funk:
No. You know, in all this work, I didn’t go into his office
to communicate with him, ever, because he told me what he wanted me
to do, and I never told anybody about that. If I go walking into his
office, everybody out there wants to know what I’m doing. I
always either wrote a report and published it or did it through the
regular recordist, tell my Division Chief or my—what did they
call the other ones? Told them what I thought, and it always gets
up to the top.
He told me one night when I was on a plane going to Washington, D.C.,
what he expected of me, and he made a point that it wasn’t just
idle talk. So, no, I didn’t—but I do know that they made
a great choice when they chose him to be Project Director. Not only
did he know how to do it, he got a staff right readymade who was used
to taking on something they didn’t know about and working, and
they all worked with him. They were all under him for years.
So he walked in and they walked in and everybody sat down. We were
sitting down around the table when we were only four or five hundred,
or maybe less than that, of engineers, and just discussing it, and
the engineer that had the problem with designing the pads for landing
on the Moon, the landing gear, said, “Well, the biggest expert
on the Moon says that the Moon’s covered with about twenty feet
of suspended dust.” Did I tell you this? He says, “How’re
we going to land in twenty feet of suspended dust?”
I said, “We’re not. We’re not going to land in that.
What you do is you go out and figure what is it you can design for,
like desert sand that’s been blowing there where it crushes
down or rock from a volcano, lava rock somewhere,” because there’s
craters up there, see. “And that’s what you do. When we
get there, if there’s twenty feet of dust, we will abort and
come home.”
But that success of the project, having chosen a person who had experience
with taking on projects and giving him a staff who had experience
with taking on projects, a staff which worked together before. We
were educated at the Langley Research Center [Hampton, Virginia].
They taught me how to write technical reports. I might have thought
I knew when I came from college, but they taught me how to write technical
reports.
Every report went through an editorial process. First it was your
Section Chief. Second was a group of engineers who were not necessarily
expert in your subject, and then they each made changes, sent it back.
You made the changes. They made changes. You sent it back.
Then when Mr. [Richard V.] Rhode read it and said, “Okay, we’ll
send it out for another editorial process,” he sent it out to
a group of English majors. They went through, and if you made any
mistakes in grammar or anything else, they would change words, and
they would send it back. But you had to check the words they changed
to be sure they didn’t change the technical [meaning or] the
technical subject of the text.
And then these symposiums that [were] set up with the directorates,
or divisions, whichever they were. Once a month, each division had
to do a symposium on their work. Now, those are just to sit down to
talk about it. These were what you call slides that were quality slides
to be given at open symposiums like that. They were all made up by
the technical staff. In addition, those people came, too. I mean,
the people that did our slides and our graphs and all that stuff,
they came, too, so that when we had to make a presentation, it was
quality work.
Then we had to get up in front of all these engineers and give presentation.
Then the next day, especially me, the boss would tell you what was
wrong with it. He told me on the first one of those I did, “It
was kind of awfully dull.”
So the next one I had to do, I started writing little comments in
there. What? Shout something out. Or do this, like—what was
his name? Byrd, his last name was Byrd. I forget the first name. He
was up there at one of these, and the slides came up in wrong order.
The projectionist had somehow—well, he had to stack them so.
He looked and he just went down off the stage, walks back there and
looked at it. He was thinking of, “How do I get around this?”
He walked up and said, “I just wanted to see if this slide looked
the same down here as it did up there,” and went on, gave his
presentation. He made that interruption, and that taught me a lot
about things.
So I got up, and I thought I was acting like a comic or something.
The next day, they came in, they said, “That was great.”
Evidently, making presentations, you need to just do more than what
would be put out from memory.
But I made lots of presentations. I have three drawers’ worth
of slides that I brought home with me of those presentations.
Ross-Nazzal:
That’s an awful lot of work.
Funk:
I was giving them all—well, we did a lot of presentations just
to convince the world we knew what we [were doing]. I mean, you get
the idea that Congress is going to say, “It’s too much
money and you don’t know what you’re doing,” and
things like that. Nobody knows how much—when you get into a
project like that, nobody knows how much it’s going to cost
or what the schedule’s going to be.
But I did manage, when I did the study with that program of where
we could land on the Moon and how much maneuvering it would take to
get there, I picked the Sea of Tranquility as the landing site just
to, again, cut down on the amount of work you need because—and
there was a lot of trajectories. It was easy to get to that landing
site. And I picked the date. What was it? What date did we do the
first landing?
Ross-Nazzal:
The twentieth, July 20th, of 1969.
Funk:
Yes, ’69, right. Well, I didn’t pick July 20th. I did
’69 to do the parametric study in, because the Moon’s
in different places all the time, inclination, things like that. I
picked the Sea of Tranquility.
After they landed on July 20, ’69, they asked me how I knew
what year we were going. I said, “I didn’t. I just sat
it down far enough so I thought I would have enough time to do the
work needed to get there,” and everybody else. I just plain
picked that out. And ’62 or ’63 is when we wrote that
program. What’s that, seven years? Yes, that’s what I
picked. Seven years.
Somebody told me that when they went on a project extended more than
seven years, they found out that they were starting to forget, so
any project that lasts longer than seven years was a pretty bad project.
But anyhow, that’s how I picked that.
Ross-Nazzal:
We thank you for sharing all of your memories with us today. We’ve
certainly enjoyed hearing all of your stories.
Funk:
Yes, okay.
Ross-Nazzal:
Thanks again.
[End
of interview]